Kerry, like Obama himself, was horrified by the sins committed by the Syrian regime in its attempt to put down a two-year-old rebellion.
Kerry, like Obama himself, was horrified by the sins committed by the Syrian regime in its attempt to put down a two-year-old rebellion.Tags: Who Can Write A Business PlanStephen Hawking EssayHbs EssaysThesis Dedication To My ParentsGrad School Personal Statement Sample EssaysBusiness Continuity Planning BcpWhat Is A Critical Lens EssayEssay Questions On Harrison BergeronGood Introductions College Application EssaysDoctoral Dissertation Writing Service
Obama would say privately that the first task of an American president in the post-Bush international arena was “Don’t do stupid shit.”Obama’s reticence frustrated Power and others on his national-security team who had a preference for action.
Hillary Clinton, when she was Obama’s secretary of state, argued for an early and assertive response to Assad’s violence.
In 2014, after she left office, Clinton told me that “the failure to help build up a credible fighting force of the people who were the originators of the protests against Assad …
left a big vacuum, which the jihadists have now filled.” When The Atlantic published this statement, and also published Clinton’s assessment that “great nations need organizing principles, and ‘Don’t do stupid stuff’ is not an organizing principle,” Obama became “rip-shit angry,” according to one of his senior advisers.
The strong sentiment inside the Obama administration was that Assad had earned dire punishment.
In Situation Room meetings that followed the attack on Ghouta, only the White House chief of staff, Denis Mc Donough, cautioned explicitly about the perils of intervention.
Others noted that the rebels were farmers and doctors and carpenters, comparing these revolutionaries to the men who won America’s war for independence. “When you have a professional army,” he once told me, “that is well armed and sponsored by two large states”—Iran and Russia—“who have huge stakes in this, and they are fighting against a farmer, a carpenter, an engineer who started out as protesters and suddenly now see themselves in the midst of a civil conflict …” He paused.
“The notion that we could have—in a clean way that didn’t commit U. military forces—changed the equation on the ground there was never true.” The message Obama telegraphed in speeches and interviews was clear: He would not end up like the second President Bush—a president who became tragically overextended in the Middle East, whose decisions filled the wards of Walter Reed with grievously wounded soldiers, who was helpless to stop the obliteration of his reputation, even when he recalibrated his policies in his second term.
“If you were to say, for instance, that we’re going to rid Afghanistan of the Taliban and build a prosperous democracy instead, the president is aware that someone, seven years later, is going to hold you to that promise,” Ben Rhodes, Obama’s deputy national-security adviser, and his foreign-policy amanuensis, told me not long ago.
But Kerry’s rousing remarks on that August day, which had been drafted in part by Rhodes, were threaded with righteous anger and bold promises, including the barely concealed threat of imminent attack.