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The PPP, with all its flaws and revisionist tendencies, still holds a promise of being the largest centre-left party in the federation (the others are Awami National Party and the Awami Workers Party).
This desire to ascend to power is not surprising coming from Imran Khan.
His sudden increase in popularity in 2011-2012 opened a new chapter in Pakistan’s political landscape.
has been stagnant since 70′s and no drastic change has taken place. Almost every party represents a particular ethnic group, therefore no party has got the support in every region because the role of political parties in Pakistan is very much based upon different ethnic groups they represent.
The chair of head of state has been a war between the head of the army staff and a few noticeable political leaders. This is one of the major reasons of slow development in some specific areas as compared to others.
The taste of power (the government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and some seats in the parliament, yet the disappointment in not being able to decisively defeat the PML-N in Punjab (that is all that matters these days and perhaps PTI was “promised” more) has made Imran Khan feel that this year is his “turn”, come what may.
Hence, PTI has opened its door to the traditional elite, especially in rural Punjab, and hopes that they would help increase the captain’s chances.Despite many apprehensions about what his party actually stood for, its surge in popular appeal brought a younger generation of potential voters into the political arena.There was also a move among disaffected prominent political figures from other parties to drift towards PTI and the party, for the first time, became a political player in 2013 when general elections were last held in Pakistan.Here, I am not merely speaking about “corruption” — the bogey word on everyone’s lips — but about the long-term political space that is being envisioned by our mainstream political parties.For a future that addresses issues related to economic equity, social justice and the consolidation of civilian institutions (the supremacy of the parliament), perhaps similar to what the guerrillas in the mountains and plains of El-Salvador were demanding more than 25 years ago, similar to what Cardenas talked about in 1988 and similar to what Obrador is insisting on today.This was a time when El-Salvador was going through a brutal civil war with left-wing guerrillas and democracy activists on one side, and a government supported by the elite and the military on the other.Our mission was to oversee the peace process brokered by the UN that would lead to free and democratic elections.The current situation in Karachi and Baluchistan is worse than ever.The blame of these riots clearly is on politicians who are just manipulating different groups to get benefits for themselves.AMLO’s (as he is popularly called) persistence in continuing to participate in elections in 2006 (when he also alleged electoral fraud), 2012 and now in 2018 shows a certain determination toward working within the democratic process even when the state machinery is bent on denying you the space to organise and continue your legitimate struggle.Cardenas, who is 84, must have finally felt vindicated.